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Buddhist leader pushes for nuclear abolition treaty

Ramesh Jaura



AN eminent Buddhist thinker, Daisaku Ikeda, has called for an early start of negotiations for a global treaty to abolish nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction, to coincide — ideally — with the 70th anniversary of the atom bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.


An international treaty in the form of a Nuclear Weapons Convention (NWC) would prohibit the development, testing, production, stockpiling, transfer, use and threat of use of nuclear weapons, as well as provide for their elimination. It would be similar in form to existing conventions outlawing other categories of weapons, such as biological weapons, chemical weapons and anti-personnel mines.


Proposals for a Nuclear Weapons Convention are being discussed since 1996. For the first time now NWC has found a reference in the final document emerging from the Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) that convened from May 3 to 28 at the UN headquarters in New York.


“We need to build on this momentum,” says Ikeda, president of the Buddhist association Soka Gakkai International (SGI), who has for years been campaigning for elimination of atomic arsenal. He formulated a five-point plan early September 2009 aimed at nuclear abolition.


Following is full text of an email interview of the SGI president.Q: Dr. Ikeda, what do you think of the outcome of the NPT Review Conference? Does it really pave the path for the world to move toward nuclear abolition? Or is it just plenty of promises and platitudes, as some observers maintain?


A: As you mention, people are now trying to assess the outcome of the Review Conference, and there are a wide range of views on this. It was regrettable, for example, that key differences between nuclear-weapon and non-nuclear-weapon states could not be overcome. As a result, the proposal in the draft report that would have required the start of negotiations on nuclear disarmament within a time-bound framework didn’t find its way into the final document. Beyond this, many other issues were left unresolved.


Still, however, the kinds of divisions that paralyzed the 2005 NPT Review Conference were avoided, and the final document includes specific action plans. To me this is clear evidence of the growing awareness among governments that we cannot waste the opportunity to renew progress toward a world free of nuclear weapons.


I am very fond of the words of the Chinese literary giant Lu Xun (1881-1936), who said that hope is like a path in the countryside: originally there was no path – yet, as people continue walking over the same spot, a way appears. I think this very much applies to the process going forward. The key will be for all governments to come together, making the final document the basis for their endeavors, forging ahead, one step at a time, on this untrodden path. At the same time, it is crucial to build international opinion calling for the prompt implementation of all agreements. One key here will be to secure ongoing venues for dialogue between civil society and policymakers.


Q: What would you describe as significant achievements?


A: I think the conference had three particularly noteworthy achievements. First, after affirming that all states need to make special efforts to establish the necessary framework to achieve and maintain a world without nuclear weapons, the final document refers, for the first time ever, to proposals for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (NWC).


Second, the conference acknowledged that the only real assurance against the threat posed by nuclear weapons is their abolition. And third, the conference called for countries to observe International Humanitarian Law in light of the catastrophic effects of any use of nuclear weapons.


Calls from non-nuclear-weapon states and NGOs for a Nuclear Weapons Convention that would comprehensively ban these weapons of mass destruction have until now been rejected on grounds that this was premature, or that an NWC was ill-matched to the realities of international relations.


As a result, it was never directly taken up in international negotiations, and this makes the reference to an NWC in the final document of the NPT Review Conference all the more significant.


I believe this was realized by the coming together of a range of actors, starting with the President of the Review Conference, relevant UN agencies such as the Office for Disarmament Affairs, and governments committed to nuclear abolition, and also the passionate, determined efforts of many civil society organizations. The youth members of the Soka Gakkai in Japan, for example, collected more than 2.2 million signatures in support of an NWC, presenting these to the President of the Conference and the UN Secretary-General.


Q: Where do we go from here?


A: We need to build on this momentum. I urge the early start of negotiations on a Nuclear Weapons Convention, with an eye on the next Review Conference in 2015, which will mark the 70th anniversary of the use of atomic weapons against Hiroshima and Nagasaki. There are many obstacles to be overcome, but I am convinced that the time is ripe for the comprehensive prohibition of nuclear weapons.


Two principles given voice by statements in the final document make this perfectly clear. The first is: “The Conference reaffirms and recognizes that the total elimination of nuclear weapons is the only absolute guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons....”


The second is: “The Conference expresses its deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons and reaffirms the need for all States at all times to comply with applicable international law, including international humanitarian law.”


Whereas intergovernmental debate on the nuclear issue has often been framed in terms of political or military logic, this gives clear priority to humanitarian values and the imperative to respect the inherent dignity of life.


Q: In what particular ways are nuclear weapons a humanitarian issue?


A: Survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki shared their experiences at the Review Conference, urging nuclear abolition. The suffering wrought by the use of nuclear weapons is not limited to the immediate aftermath. Nuclear weapons are the ultimate inhumane weapon, whose impacts continue to cause pain and undermine the foundations of human dignity for generations.


It was for this reason that my mentor Josei Toda (1900-58), the second president of the Soka Gakkai, denounced them as an absolute evil. He was convinced that we could not leave any room for considering them in the same context as conventional weapons, as a necessary evil to be used if conditions require.


Nuclear weapons are entirely impermissible — both in terms of the grave threat they pose to peace and for their profoundly inhumane nature as an assault on human dignity. This understanding should undergird efforts to establish a Nuclear Weapons Convention. The work of applying the spirit and principles of International Humanitarian Law to nuclear weapons is crucial in bringing down the curtain on the nuclear age.


Q: Dr. Jayantha Dhanapala, president of the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs, has described the conference agreement on implementing the 1995 resolution on the Middle East as “the most significant achievement” of the conference. But whether this agreement will lead to a nuclear-weapon-free Middle East zone is doubted by experts. Isn’t this scepticism justified in view of the U.S. and Israeli reservations on some crucial points?


A: The treaties establishing Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones (NWFZ) in Central Asia and Africa that entered into force last year are an important source of hope. These regions join Latin America, the South Pacific and Southeast Asia in establishing NWFZs. This is especially significant because the two new NWFZs include countries that either developed or possessed nuclear weapons in the past.


The next challenge is to promote denuclearization in other regions of the globe. As is the case in Northeast Asia and South Asia, the path toward this goal in the Middle East is strewn with difficult challenges.


This was the background against which the NPT Review Conference called for a conference in 2012 to establish a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction. Needless to say, the issues in the Middle East are complex and not likely to be resolved through the convening of a single conference. In fact, given the history of conflict and violence and the deep-seated animosities in the region, it will be anything but easy even to bring the conference together.


 
Latin America: World Cup is not the only success

Jonathan Power



IF Latin America disappeared into thin air tomorrow what would it be remembered for? Historically for the decimation by the Spanish Conquistadors of the great civilizations of the Incas and Aztecs, for the 20th century plunder of the Amazon, for the worst income inequalities in the world, for the highest crime levels of contemporary society anywhere and for giving houseroom to the drug mafias.


And the pluses? The near absence of major interstate wars and the concomitant achievement of relatively low expenditures on arms, its nuclear-free zone, the first of its kind (not including the one for Antarctica), its lack of institutionalized racism (although there is plenty of discrimination) and the nonexistence in any period of its history of Jim Crow laws, its outlawing of capital punishment long before the rest of the world got round to it, and now home to some of the world’s hot spots of economic advance, particularly Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Colombia. Perhaps we should add to that its achievement in dominating the final rounds of the World Cup!


Yet, despite the pluses in its history, which many would argue far outweigh its negatives, America has never given Latin America the attention it deserves, unless, as with John F. Kennedy and Cuba, Ronald Reagan with Central America, George W. Bush with Chavez’ Venezuela, it convinced itself that the Marxists were about to take over and had to be confronted. And unless they were the home of major drug traffickers, Colombia and Mexico in particular.


When Barack Obama became president, facing so many demanding issues elsewhere, it was assumed that the “backyard” would be relegated, once again, to the province of an assistant secretary of state and, drug trafficking aside, all but forgotten in the White House. It didn’t happen. Almost immediately the administration organized high-level visits to the continent. It eased the restrictions on travel and the sending of remittances to Cuba by Cuban Americans. And it changed the reflex, hostile, attitude to the populist, left leaning, governments of Bolivia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Venezuela. It was not going to find itself on the wrong side of the road as did the administration of George W. Bush when it welcomed an attempted coup against Venezuela’s president, Hugo Chavez, only to have to reverse itself a day later when it became clear the coup had failed.


Nevertheless, only a year and a half later, some of the positive impetus appears to have been dissipated. Immigration reform has slipped down the agenda. The administration’s embrace of the campaign to stop the export of small weapons that were fueling the deadliness of Mexico’s drug mafias has been shelved under the influence of America’s powerful gun lobby. Likewise, it has allowed to lapse an experimental program that allowed Mexican trucks to enter the US. It has postponed action on the free trade agreements being negotiated with Panama and Colombia. It has continued to subsidize US corn-based ethanol (a substitute for petrol) and maintained high tariffs on ethanol exported from Brazil.


Washington, or at least the State Department, also seems to find it hard to accept the emergence of Brazil as a heavy hitter on the world scene. Brazil makes up half the Latin American continent and now, after decades of low and unequal growth and high inflation, it has an economy and a foreign policy to match its size.


Late last year, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warned Latin American and Caribbean governments that might be tempted to “flirt with Iran” to “take a look at what the consequences might be”. When Brazil, alongside Turkey, recently tried to broker a compromise with Iran on the issue of its uranium enrichment program the State Department was critical, even though before the negotiations actually began Obama had sent a letter to President Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva encouraging him to launch his Iranian initiative.


Although for the Obama administration “regime change” is out of the window, whether it be Cuba or Venezuela, the threat of the “big stick” still seems to be the instinct, if not of the White House, at least of important parts of the American government. The old assumption that whatever the issue — arms sales, trade protectionism, immigrant flows, drug running and foreign policy — it is Washington that lays down the road to be followed — no longer works.


Not just Brazil but a sizable number of Latin American states are comfortable in their own skins. They see their economies growing and are well enough run that even the Great Recession of 2007-2009 has not badly affected them. They know they are making progress on poverty. And, increasingly, they recall the “pluses” of their history which until recently were downplayed by the world outside and they themselves allowed to be half forgotten.— AN


 
Strive for emancipation of mind

Zhu Yuan



WHAT should be to blame for the country’s lack of development over the past couple of centuries? The answers vary.


Many Chinese scholars had asserted that the traditional Chinese culture, characterized by Confucian ideals, was a heavy burden that prevented the country from advancing as fast as its Western counterparts.


That explains why the May Fourth Movement was launched early in the previous century, which subverted most traditional concepts and introduced scientific and democratic ideals.


Some argued that China’s long history of feudal dynasties, along with its corrupt political system, should be to blame for insipid scientific progress and dispirited political culture.


In his recently published book, Criticism of Chinese People’s Thinking, Chu Yu has blamed the fettered Chinese mind for crippling the country’s advancement over the past several centuries.


Many scholars have praised the book and its author for an insightful account, which they say has never before been attempted by others.


That is not quite correct.


The well-known Chinese thinker and scholar Lin Yutang touched upon precisely this topic in his book, My Country and My People, which was published sometime in the 1930s.


In the book, Lin claimed that the Chinese were often more than intelligent, as evidenced by their roguery, their indifference and in their pacifist attitudes, which often bordered on cowardice.


Talking about the Chinese people’s lack of logical ability - which I too believe is a major reason why China has failed to develop a scientific temper despite stellar inventions or discoveries such as the compass, gunpowder, printing technology and paper - Lin explained that the Chinese mind was too fond of moral platitudes and abstract concepts such as benevolence, kindliness, propriety and loyalty.


Scientific method quite often involves some amount of drudgery, but we Chinese believe in flashes of insight or common sense to dictate our thinking.


In addition, we Chinese do not judge the correctness of a proposition by an appeal to reason alone, but by the twin pleas to reason and human nature.


Lin Yutang has touched upon almost all the topics that Chu Yu has put forth in his book. It is quite definitely unreasonable to claim that the latest work is unique.


Yet, we should not dismiss Chu’s book as meaningless in the current context. We Chinese do need to be reminded from time to time of our penchant for moral platitudes even as we fail to nurture our creative faculties.


It is quite common to quote from a well-known or authoritative figure to justify something that should actually be verified by fact-based cogent reasoning.


In classrooms, teachers favour students who resort to rote learning over those who question what is being taught.In most families, parents hope their offspring will follow their instructions unquestioningly rather than doing things independently.


The frequent use of Mao Zedong’s quotes as the sole criterion to justify whatever a person or an organization did during the “cultural revolution” (1966-76) pushed such thinking to the extreme. Mao’s quotes became a panacea for all ills.


Despite repeated calls to emancipate the mind in the three decades since those 10 years of political turmoil, creative or independent thinking still submits to those in power or authorities.


However reasonable or justified one’s idea is, it hardly ever gets accepted unless the leader likes it.


Similarly, however unreasonable or unjustifiable the leader’s idea is, it will have no difficulty in getting adopted as long as he uses his authority or power to push it.That explains why ridiculous policies are adopted or some ill-conceived projects carried out.The Chinese are often thought of as a pragmatic people who tend to look at everything through the prism of expediency. This is believed to be the reason why they forego creative and independent thinking.


But, when creative or independent thinking tends to conflict with the ideas of those in power, it is natural that many will choose to adopt the tried and tested.


Chu is essentially right in claiming that something is shackling the Chinese mind. It is imperative that our educational system is overhauled to encourage creative and independent thinking.Our thinking is much more pluralistic when compared to what it was three decades ago, yet the space for creative and independent thinking is being squeezed out to make room for the will of power. — China Daily


 
 
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